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A mountain region and its farm economy

cbdlovers editorial 14 min

Thin soils on steep slopes, unreliable rainfall, small plots, and very few crops that pay. That is the agricultural situation of northern Morocco, and it explains more about this subject than any amount of romantic writing about the region does.

What grew there did so because the alternatives returned less. That is an ordinary agricultural economics story, and it is the one that has to be understood before the legislative changes of the last few years make any sense.

This page covers the geography, the historical sequence, what the production data actually show, what intensification cost the region, what the alternatives have achieved, and what the current framework is attempting.

⚠️ Scope. This page describes a process and what can be verified from documents. It does not describe what a product does to a person, gives no amounts, and does not replace a healthcare professional.

The land itself

The terrain

A mountain chain running along the Mediterranean coast, with steep slopes, narrow valleys and very little level ground.

The soils

Thin, stony and prone to erosion. Depth is limited and the slopes lose material with every heavy rainfall.

The water

Irregular rainfall concentrated in winter, limited irrigation infrastructure, and summers that are dry and long.

What that permits

Tree crops on terraces, small-scale cereals where a plot can be worked, and grazing. It is difficult agriculture by any standard.

What else is grown there

Arboriculture

Olive, almond and fig, on terraces, over long establishment periods. These appear in the official agricultural statistics and they are genuinely important.

Cereals and pulses

On the few workable plots, at low yields highly dependent on the year’s rainfall.

Livestock

Goats and sheep on mountain grazing, contributing to household income and to the erosion of the slopes.

Why the mix matters

The region is not a monoculture. What the crop in question dominated was household income, not land area, and the distinction matters when reading accounts of it.

🔴 The historical sequence

Long-standing cultivation

Cultivation in the region is documented well before the twentieth century, at a modest scale and for local consumption.

The protectorate period

Under Spanish administration in the early twentieth century, cultivation in a restricted area was tolerated in practice, which established a geography that persisted afterwards.

After independence

Morocco became party to the international framework and the crop was formally prohibited, while the restricted-area tolerance continued informally.

The expansion

Cultivated area grew substantially from the nineteen-eighties, driven by European demand and by the absence of comparable returns from anything else.

What the data show

The source

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime conducted survey work in the region in the mid two-thousands, producing area and yield estimates.

The peak

Those surveys recorded a cultivated area at its highest in the early part of that decade, followed by a documented decline.

The decline

Subsequent estimates show a substantial reduction from that peak, attributed to enforcement, to market changes and to shifts in cultivation practice.

The uncertainty

Estimating an illicit cultivated area carries wide margins. The figures indicate orders of magnitude and a direction rather than precise quantities.

🔴 What intensification cost

The varietal shift

From the mid two-thousands, growers increasingly adopted introduced hybrid varieties in place of the local population.

Why they did

Substantially higher yields per hectare, and a product the market paid more for. The economic logic was immediate.

What those varieties require

Considerably more water than the local population, in a region where water is the binding constraint, and more purchased inputs.

The documented consequences

Increased irrigation pressure on limited water resources, greater fertiliser and pesticide use, and household debt taken on to finance inputs.

The water problem specifically

The constraint

Rainfall is limited and irregular, groundwater is finite, and the region has no surplus to allocate.

What the shift demanded

Irrigation on a scale the local population never required, drawn from wells and from watercourses that supply other uses.

The observable effects

Falling water tables in cultivated areas, and pressure on supplies used by households and by other agriculture.

Why it matters to the transition

Because a licit framework cultivating a drought-tolerant local variety uses substantially less water than the practice it would replace. That is one of the stronger arguments for it.

The soil problem

The erosion baseline

Steep slopes with thin soils erode under any cultivation. It is a pre-existing condition rather than a consequence of this crop.

What annual cropping adds

Bare soil during part of the year, tillage on slopes, and reduced tree cover where terraces were converted.

The trajectory

Documented degradation across the cultivated areas, reducing what the land can support over time.

The agricultural conclusion

The practice is not sustainable on that terrain at that intensity, independently of any legal question.

The alternative development approach

The principle

Replacing an illicit crop with licit production supported by technical assistance, infrastructure and market access. It is a standard international approach.

What has been proposed there

Tree crops, aromatic and medicinal plants, beekeeping and improved livestock — all suited to poor sloping soils.

What the evaluations conclude

Results have been limited. The return per hectare gap is substantial, tree crops take years to produce, and working capital is scarce.

What makes such programmes work elsewhere

Infrastructure, market access and credit alongside the seedlings. Programmes offering only planting material have consistently failed.

The 2021 legislation

What it created

A framework permitting cultivation, processing and marketing for industrial, medical and cosmetic purposes, within limitatively defined provinces.

The structure

A national agency issuing authorisations, growers organised into cooperatives, and licensed companies processing the output.

The variety question

The framework required material within a cannabinoid threshold, which led to the registration of a selected version of the local population as a variety.

What it does not do

Convert the existing production. It creates a parallel licit route and leaves everything outside it where it was.

The transition in practice

The first harvests

Under the framework, from 2023 onward, with volumes modest relative to historical production in the region.

What growers face

A licit return substantially lower than the existing one, in exchange for legal status and access to a formal supply chain.

What determines the outcome

Whether that gap narrows enough for conversion to make sense at scale. It is an economic question rather than a legislative one.

The timescale

A decade rather than a season. Early figures are indicative and the transition will be judged over much longer.

What the licit framework provides

Traceability

Authorised area, cooperative membership, registered variety, and volumes supplied to licensed processors. It is the first documented chain this production has had.

Growers within the framework are operating lawfully, which changes their position substantially whatever the returns.

Market access

A route to buyers who require documentation, which the informal chain could never supply.

What it costs the grower

Compliance, a defined variety, and acceptance of licit prices. Three real requirements.

The European connection

What arrives here

Nothing from the region reaches the European compliant market through any legal route. The frameworks do not connect.

What is sold instead

Compliant material from listed varieties produced within the Union or under equivalent arrangements, in styles that reference the region.

Why the names are used

Recognition. The region’s association with a category of product is long-standing and commercially valuable.

What a claim of origin would need

Import documentation through a lawful route, which does not exist for this material in this market.

Reading accounts of the region

The romantic version

Ancient tradition, mountain villages, timeless practice. It contains some truth and it obscures the economics entirely.

The criminal version

Trafficking networks and enforcement statistics, with the agricultural household absent from the account.

What both leave out

That this is a farming region with poor land, few options, and households making the same calculations farmers make everywhere.

Why the third framing is more useful

Because it is the one that explains what happened, what intensification cost, and why the transition is difficult. The other two explain nothing.

What would actually change the outcome

The return gap

The single determining variable. Nothing about the framework works at scale until licit cultivation returns enough to live on.

Processing capacity

A licit crop needs licensed buyers. The framework’s success depends as much on the processing side as on the growers.

Water and soil

The environmental constraints are real and they bind regardless of the legal position. A sustainable system uses less of both than current practice.

Time

Tree crops take years, markets take years to develop, and household decisions follow evidence rather than announcements.

The household economics

What a plot looks like

Small, frequently fragmented across several parcels, on slopes, worked by a household rather than by hired labour. It is smallholder agriculture in the strict sense.

What the income has to cover

Everything: food that cannot be grown, school costs, medical costs, and the inputs for the following season. A single crop carrying all of that is a fragile arrangement.

Why debt features so heavily

Because purchased inputs must be paid for before the harvest that funds them. Credit for that gap comes from wherever it is available, on whatever terms.

What that does to choices

It removes them. A household with debt against next season’s crop is not free to switch to something that produces nothing for four years.

Why evaluations keep returning to it

Because every serious assessment of alternative development identifies working capital, not willingness, as the binding constraint.

Migration and the demographic picture

The pattern

Sustained out-migration from the region over decades, toward Moroccan cities and toward Europe. It is one of the defining features of its recent history.

What that means for agriculture

An ageing farming population, labour shortages at peak periods, and remittances forming a substantial part of household income in many communities.

How it interacts with the crop

Remittance income and cultivation income are alternatives at the household level. Where migration succeeded, cultivation mattered less.

Why this belongs in the account

Because the region’s economy is not reducible to one crop, and any transition depends on the whole picture rather than on agriculture alone.

What the international framework does here

The treaty position

Morocco is a party to the international framework governing this area, which is what made the prohibition binding after independence.

What the 2021 law had to do

Operate within it. Frameworks for industrial, medical and scientific purposes are permitted under the treaties; general legalisation is not.

Why the purposes are defined as they are

Precisely because of that constraint. The framework’s shape follows the treaty’s permitted categories rather than domestic preference.

What that limits

The scale of what can be converted. The permitted uses are narrower than the existing market, which is a structural cap on the transition.

A short glossary

Alternative development

The international approach of replacing illicit cultivation with supported licit production, requiring infrastructure and market access rather than seedlings alone.

Licit framework

The Moroccan legal structure created in 2021, permitting authorised cultivation for defined purposes in defined provinces.

Cooperative

The organisational unit under that framework, holding authorisations and supplying licensed processors on behalf of member growers.

Landrace

A locally adapted plant population maintained by growers over generations, drought-tolerant in this case and suited to the region’s constraints.

Return per hectare

The figure that determines whether a household converts. It is the variable every evaluation identifies as decisive.

The five checks that apply to any product

The batch certificate

Request it with the number printed on the packaging. A general document for the product line does not cover this batch, and those differences are exactly what it should record.

Total THC

Delta-9-THC plus THCA multiplied by 0.877, because THCA becomes THC under heat and the limit applies to the sum, not to either value alone.

Price per milligram

A division, not an opinion. The only figure that makes two products comparable, whatever the format, process and pack size.

The claims

Without an authorisation number in the EU Register these are assertions, not data — and for cannabidiol that register contains no authorised entry to this day.

The seller’s details

Company name, address and contact. Without them there is also no counterparty to turn to if something turns out to be wrong.

How this connects to the rest

With the local variety

The registration of a selected local population is what made compliance with the framework’s threshold achievable.

With production traditions

The technique developed in this region under its particular climate, and it is covered separately.

With origin claims

No legal route brings material from the region into the European compliant market.

With the certificate

Nothing about origin appears on a product document. The certificate measures composition.

What this is for in practice

When the region is named on a product

Read it as a style reference. No lawful import route exists for this material into the compliant market.

When the history is invoked

It is genuine and it is agricultural economics rather than romance.

When the transition is discussed

The determining variable is the return gap, not the legislation.

When comparing products

The certificate and the per-milligram price, as always.

Frequently asked questions

Why did this crop dominate there? Because the land is poor, the plots are small, and no alternative crop returned comparably. It is ordinary agricultural economics.

What else is grown? Olive, almond and fig on terraces, cereals and pulses on workable plots, and livestock on mountain grazing.

When did cultivation expand? Substantially from the nineteen-eighties, driven by European demand and by the absence of comparable returns elsewhere.

What do the survey data show? A peak in cultivated area in the early two-thousands followed by a documented decline, with wide margins of uncertainty.

What did hybrid varieties change? Higher yields and higher prices, at the cost of much greater water demand, more purchased inputs and household debt.

Is the practice sustainable? Not at current intensity on that terrain. Erosion and water depletion are documented independently of any legal question.

What has alternative development achieved? Limited results. The return gap is substantial and tree crops take years, so programmes without credit and market access have not converted growers.

What did the 2021 law create? A framework for authorised cultivation and processing for industrial, medical and cosmetic purposes in defined provinces.

Is the transition working? It is early. First harvests were from 2023 and volumes remain modest. The determining factor is the return gap.

Does material from there reach Europe legally? Not into the compliant market. Any origin claim on a European product would need import documentation that does not exist.

What we check and what we do not

We check what can be checked from documents: official registers, declared contents, certificates of analysis, arithmetic. We test no products, rank nothing, and assert no effects.

Almost everything written about this region in this context is either romantic or criminological, and both framings miss what actually happened. A farming region with thin soils and few options grew what paid, and then adopted higher-yielding varieties that paid better and cost more water than the place had.

The legislative change of 2021 is a serious attempt at a route out, and its success depends on something no law can legislate: whether licit cultivation returns enough for a household to choose it. That is the number to watch, and it is reported in ordinary agricultural statistics rather than in anything more dramatic.